Biden’s Appointee Gen. Xavier Brunson Rejects President Lee Jae Myung's Peace Initiative
Korea’s sovereignty has been reduced to financing the U.S. occupation of its own territory and shouldering the costs of American militarism.
Washington continues to veto even modest Korean efforts to foster inter-Korean rapprochement. General Brunson’s recent comments on South Korea’s [ROK] joint military drills reveal an imperialist, arrogant mindset that treats allies as subordinates rather than partners.
“Whenever someone talks about… exercising less or exercising differently… they need to understand that there are two times in a year where we absolutely need some support,” Brunson said, referring to the spring and summer exercises involving roughly 28,500 American troops. Brunson’s tone and message disregard Korea’s sovereignty, asserting control over a sovereign nation’s military decisions.
In this context, on 3 December, for the first time since his inauguration, President Lee Jae Myung publicly mentioned the possibility of suspending or reducing U.S.–ROK joint military exercises. South Korean President Lee has expressed openness to reviewing joint drills if it facilitates dialogue with North Korean leader Kim Jong Un, a position reflecting Seoul’s commitment to diplomacy and regional stability.
He even reinforced his point by citing President Trump’s own words from 2018: “I think it’s very provocative… We will be stopping the war games… which will save us a tremendous amount of money.” A U.S. Army budget analysis later confirmed that canceling certain exercises in 2018 had saved the U.S. an estimated $14 million.
Building on this, in recent weeks, several Korean senior officials—including Unification Minister Chung Dong-young—have suggested that adjusting U.S.-led South Korea military exercises may be necessary to revive stalled inter-Korean diplomacy. Chung has consistently argued that “we cannot hold South Korea–U.S. military exercises and simultaneously expect a North Korea–U.S. summit,” criticizing what he calls “bureaucratic thinking that waits for American approval.”
Nevertheless, President Lee’s calls, along with those of his senior officials, have not only fallen on deaf ears in Washington but have also reportedly been rebuked by American diplomatic officials in Seoul. These officials expressed “concerns” about such proposals and emphasized the strategic importance of U.S. Forces Korea, reportedly noting that the Trump administration now views a strong U.S.–ROK combined defense posture as essential. Although Trump had previously criticized the joint military drills as overly costly during his first term—even suggesting suspending them—his current stance has shifted. Moreover, he has made no public statement regarding President Lee’s proposal.
Meanwhile, under apparent pressure from Washington and in an effort to appease it, Lee’s hawkish and pro-U.S. National Security Advisor Wi Sung-lac last week rejected reducing U.S.–ROK joint military drills as a means of encouraging talks with the North.
In short, even with his historic legitimacy from stopping Yoon’s martial law, an approval rating above 60 percent, and public pledges to safeguard Korea’s national sovereignty, President Lee remains unable—or unwilling—to fully exercise Korea’s sovereignty on the most important national security matters.
Occupied and Overcharged: Korea’s National Sovereignty Crisis Under the Trump Administration
Under the Trump administration, Washington’s encroachment on Korea’s national sovereignty has become more severe. The newly released National Security Strategy (NSS) reveals the U.S. confronting the reality that it can no longer sustain a globally overextended military empire, opting to avoid direct confrontation with strategic rivals like Russia and China while systematically shifting the financial costs, operational burdens, and strategic risks of its Indo-Pacific and global defense commitments onto subordinate allies—most notably South Korea, Japan, and Australia—through mechanisms such as hosting U.S. bases, purchasing U.S. weapons, and aligning economic, technological, and military policies—effectively using its allies to maintain American influence while narrowing their strategic autonomy.
South Korea, deeply tied to the U.S. economically, militarily, and ideologically, exemplifies subordination within this system.
Reaffirming the “America First” agenda, NSS 2025 explicitly demands that allies increase defense spending and contribute “far more” to collective defense:
“We will build a military capable of denying aggression anywhere in the First Island Chain. But the American military cannot, and should not have to, do this alone... Our allies must step up and spend—and more importantly, do—much more for collective defense.”
“Given President Trump’s insistence on increased burden-sharing from Japan and South Korea, we must urge these countries to increase defense spending, with a focus on the capabilities—including new capabilities—necessary to deter adversaries and protect the First Island Chain.”
In sum, under the Trump administration, Seoul is required to fund the U.S. military presence on its own territory, fund U.S. occupying forces, purchase billions in American weapons, act as a counterforce against China at Washington’s direction, and maintain the world’s largest overseas U.S. base at Camp Humphreys—all while its sovereignty remains subordinated to Washington’s strategic agenda. Korea’s sovereignty has been reduced to financing the U.S. occupation of its own territory and shouldering the costs of American militarism. Ultimately, the real danger to South Korea’s security is not North Korea; the gravest threat it faces is Washington’s encroachment on its sovereignty.
“It is the Pentagon’s assumption that they own and control South Korea no matter what", [says long-time Korea activist] Tim Shorrock.
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